From BBC

Remember the days before modern technology, endless Netflix streaming, and social distancing? Our pace of life used to be very different from how it is today, and we wanted to take a look at how it was in the age before smartphones. This photo series shows the rare and behind the scenes moments of everyday life in the ’50s, ’60s, and ’70s.

We take a peek inside the workplaces, public spaces, and nightlife hot zones that memories were made of. Take a look at our handpicked selection of the best color photos that capture those forgotten moments. Just try not to lose yourself in the past!

An Old School Inkjet

Back in the ’60s, modern workspaces looked very different from what they do today. Believe it or not, this is actually a Recordak reader printer! The operator in the picture is inserting film into the left side slot, where it will be automatically loaded. Depending on the model, the film would load in a 3M type cartridge or the reel would be held in a clip.

Either way, the film was loaded with no extra handling needed from the operator. Luxury certainly looked a lot different back in the day. Even in terms of dress sense. Imagine having to get that dressed up every day, a full face of makeup and everything!

Can I Take This Book Out?

This one’s a real nostalgic throwback to the public libraries of the ’70s. In this image, students are seen speaking with the public library staff back when things weren’t digital. If you wanted to find out if a book was available, or speak to someone about your account, you had to wade through mountains of paper files.

This colorized photo from the ’50s shows a group of young, debutant women at a cocktail party. They are absolutely glowing in their minimal makeup and glorious ball gowns. This was the sought after style of the decade.

Of course, it looks considerably less safe. This was back in the days where there were far fewer road rules and regulations, and babies could ride in the front seat without being strapped in! It’s a scary thought, and an interesting image to see just how far we’ve come since then.

Catching Rays at Any Age

 This photo depicts two different generations sitting on a London bench in the famous uptown Chelsea neighborhood. A young woman takes a break in the sun and enjoys her ice cream, while another woman watches on. We don’t know about you but we find this image of two worlds sat next to each other very endearing.

The Retrofuturistic Aesthetic

Take a look at retrofuturism at its finest. In the ’60s, fantasizing and imagining what kind of future awaits us was the big thing, encouraged by the strides made in space travel and Commander Neil Armstrong landing on the moon.

These two costumed actors at Disneyland are a perfect example of what attracted so many to the idea of a technologically advanced future. People anticipated the styles that will come, the sleek and streamlined looks, and the advancements in science and technology. It was irresistible to people’s imaginations.

Car Culture in the ’50s

A fascination with antique cars was around even in the ’50s. Check out the parking garage of this drive-through, where a bunch of young men loiters about next to the blue car of a bygone era. The irony is that all of their cars are, by today’s standards, considered classic cars.

In the ’50s, drive-throughs were a regular social hangout for young people, and this photo captures that perfectly. They could get fast food at a low price and linger around each other cars, coming and going as they please. One step up was the drive-in theater when many young couples would have their dates.

The Fast-Food Boom

A fast-food chain that’s still alive and well today is Jack in the Box, the drive-through that specialized in hamburgers. Many of the fast-food chains were born in the ’50s such as Wendy’s and McDonald’s, and it’s pretty fascinating to see what they looked like in their early days. We can see that Jack in the Box went for a playful company design even back then.

ack in the Box was founded in 1951, first opening in San Diego. They had an intercom system connected to their tiny restaurant space and offered the passing traffic hamburgers for only 18 cents. In 1954, they successfully expanded their business in Texas. Fast forward almost 70 years, and they have over 2,000 restaurants now in the US.

What a Real Seventies Wedding Looked Like

One Reddit user just had to share this image of their parents looking, as they put it, “magazine shoot ready at their wedding.” It was the late ’70s and boy, was fashion different back then. It was a hot summer day in South Dakota and they had made their day a family-only affair.

You might have noticed that their cake is leaning a little more on one side. The person who posted it admitted that since it was so low-key, the cake was handmade. We’re just loving the vibe of this couple either way. From the bride’s peasant-style gown to the groom’s brown tuxedo and ruffled shirt, you couldn’t get more ’70s than that.

The Happiest Sound of Our Childhood

There’s nothing that brought more joy to our young ears than hearing that the local ice cream truck had finally come to our part of town. That being said, it’s not just for kids – adults would also hurry to get a frozen treat whether they like to admit it or not. Take a look at this ’70s throwback of a line of people waiting to be served by Mister Softee.

Taken by photographer Fred Herzog, he took this color image in 1960, when color photography still wasn’t taken as seriously as the classic black and white. He persisted, favoring bold colors in particular. He loved to capture the complexities of street life, and in the end, it paid off. This photo is worth up to $5,000 today.

Vintage Groceries

Supermarkets in the south have a reputation for being large and selling products in bulk-sized quantities. This image proves that it was also the case back in the ’50s, where we can see two friends bump into each other during their regular household shop.

If we’re trying to see the evolution of supermarkets this photo doesn’t really help! As we can see, the aisles look pretty much the same as they do today – filled to the edge with packaged items. The only notable difference we can see is that the labels were far less descriptive or attention-grabbing. No $0.99 here!

The OG Supermodel

Before Kate Moss and Bella Hadid, there was fashion model Anne Sainte-Marie. She was one of the most popular models in the fifties, appearing in tons of publications and magazines. On numerous occasions, she graced the cover of Vogue. Here she is in 1959, by a pool in New York City.

Well-connected, she was a so-called “it girl” of her day, attending society parties and rubbing shoulders with the rich and famous. Here, she models a stunning pastel-colored gown that featured intricate beading and a matching headpiece. To us, she looks reminiscent of Audrey Hepburn.

The City of Dreams

This stunning editorial picture from 1958 features two fashion models in New York City. Their style of dress appealed to the targeted readers of Vogue, who were wealthy high-society women. It was taken by the famous fashion photographer Sante Forlano and remains to be one of his best-known photographs.

This stunning editorial picture from 1958 features two fashion models in New York City. Their style of dress appealed to the targeted readers of Vogue, who were wealthy high-society women. It was taken by the famous fashion photographer Sante Forlano and remains to be one of his best-known photographs.

Media Bias

Media bias is also inherent in the coverage of female political candidates and leaders. There is an awareness in the extant literature on media and women’s representation that there is a difference in both the volume and substance of media coverage received by female politicians when compared to male politicians (Fowler and Lawless 2009; Hooghe, Jacobs, and Claes 2015; Kahn 1994; Dan and Lorgoveanu 2013). Several studies have found that aspiring female politicians receive less positive attention or coverage in the form of news commentary, cartoons, and commentaries when compared to their male counterparts (Gilmartin 2001; Kahn 1992, 1994, 1996; Norris 1997; O’Neill and Savigny 2014; Sampert and Trimble 2003). When looking at the media’s representation of men and women in politics, the general consensus among scholars is that women get less policy/issue coverage and more “horse-race” coverage. This type of coverage “emphasize[s] which candidates are ahead and behind and the strategies and tactics of campaigning necessary to position a candidate to get ahead or to stay ahead” (Cappella and Jamieson 1997, 74).

Hooghe, Jacobs, and Claes (2015), in their assessment of media coverage of female Members of Parliament (MPs) in Belgian news broadcasts, found that female MPs were significantly less likely to be allotted speaking time, and they received less speaking time than their male colleagues. Aldering’s (2018) assessment of male and female leadership in the Netherlands between 2006 and 2012 found that males received more media coverage of leadership traits than women. He also speculated that this sex-differentiated coverage likely contributed to the underrepresentation of women. Even though there is a general consensus that male candidates receive more media coverage than their female counterparts, some recent studies have produced mixed results, with some indicating that gender bias in media coverage might be decreasing (Bystrom, Robertson, and Banwart 2001; Hayes and Lawless 2015). Others have suggested that high-profile female candidates do receive more or the same media coverage as males (Lavery 2013; Wasburn and Wasburn 2011).

Portia Simpson-Miller (“Sista P” or “Mama P”)

Portia Simpson-Miller, affectionately known as “Mama P” or “Sista P,” entered Jamaica’s political scene in the early 1970s; first as a member of the Kingston and St. Andrew Municipal Council as an elected council member (Councilor), then as a MP with the People’s National Party (PNP)—a position she held since 1976. Having worked assiduously to reach the pinnacle of power, she also served as a Cabinet member; Minister of Labour, Welfare and Sports; Minister of Tourism; and Minister of Local Government and Sports. In 1978, she was appointed vice president of the PNP—a position she held until 2006 (Jamaica Information Service 2015; Skard 2014). On March 30, 2006, Simpson-Miller broke the proverbial “glass ceiling” for women she became the first female president of the PNP and the first female prime minister of Jamaica. She also positioned herself as the third female prime minister in the Anglophone Caribbean. Simpson-Miller’s initial rise to power was, however, short-lived when on September 3, 2007, the PNP narrowly lost the general election to the rival Jamaica Labour Party. The 2011 general election proved more successful for Simpson-Miller, as the PNP won the election by a convincing margin (claiming forty-one of sixty-three seats). According to Helps (2013, 17):

The 2011 general election proved a turning point for Simpson-Miller, as it not only solidified her status as one of the greats of the Jamaican political scene, but thrust her into the annals of Jamaica’s history as a strategist par excellence.

Simpson-Miller became prime minister of Jamaica, elect; a position she held until 2016 when she was narrowly defeated by Andrew Holness of the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). In March 2017, Simpson-Miller stepped down as opposition leader and president of the PNP.

Portia Simpson-Miller’s ascension to Jamaica’s highest political office came at a time when Jamaicans were ready for a change. It was hope that she would upset the status quo and cause a stir in the male-dominated two-party system that has come to define Jamaican politics. During the elections of 2006 and 2011, the phrase “Woman Time Now” became a running theme, and people, especially women, prepared themselves to welcome Simpson-Miller as the first female prime minister (Helps 2013). As Skard (2014, 269–70) rightfully noted:

In a country where there were supposed to be “matriarchs”, where 70 per cent of university students were women, and where women had long constituted more than half of the labour force and were about to get leading positions in economic life, but not in politics, many felt that it was time for a woman at the helm.

Despite gaining universal adult suffrage in 1944, at the time of Simpson-Miller’s ascent to power, only about seven women sat in the House of Representatives (Skard 2014).

Even though Simpson-Miller’s tenure as prime minister of Jamaica was short-lived, her political career can be described as remarkable. She was an advocate for the poor and working class to whom she often showed genuine love and concern. She was also considered a woman for the people. Jamaicans, especially women and those from the lower class, loved and revered Simpson-Miller. Her political successes by the end of her tenure in 2016 include a reduction in crime, increased economic growth, improving the justice system, and instituting a new healthcare benefit policy guaranteeing free healthcare and medical coverage for children in Jamaica (Skard 2014). In 2006 and 2007, Forbes magazine ranked Simpson-Miller eighty-ninth and eighty-first, respectively, on its list of “The 100 Most Powerful Women.” In 2012, Time magazine ranked her among its “100 Most Influential Persons in the World.” In 2013, Simpson-Miller was inducted into the prestigious International Women’s Forum Hall of Fame.

Despite her career success, Simpson-Miller endured immense backlash and criticism from those who perceived her as being unsuitable for the office of prime minister. Attacks against Simpson-Miller were perpetrated through several media, but the media in Jamaica played a significant role in perpetuating gendered stereotypes and criticism against her. Simpson-Miller and several others seem to believe that the media targeted her because of her gender and class. Female political leaders are often harshly scrutinized and criticized based on gender, but Simpson-Miller had both gender and class working against her (Skard 2014). Born in the remote district of Woodhall, St. Catherine (Jamaica), Simpson-Miller often describes herself as coming from the “bowels of the poor.” While Simpson-Miller found favor with Jamaica’s lower class, she struggled to be accepted by the upper and growing middle classes. Since the nationalist period of the 1950s, the middle “brown” class has dominated politics and government in Jamaica (Meeks 1996; Stone 1985).

In a January 2016 interview with The Jamaica Gleaner, Simpson-Miller explained that throughout her political career, she has endured “political pain” and “personal hurt” (The Gleaner 2016). Much of this pain she said was not because she is a female, but because she had the wrong color, address, and social class (The Gleaner 2016). In a 2007 interview with Harvard University Professor Orlando Patterson, Simpson-Miller explained that she faced mounting criticism from the media because she was a woman in a male-dominated field, and also because of her background. She lamented that she has been “beaten, banged and bashed by the media” (Patterson 2007). She further articulated that the media tried to kill her charisma, and every time they see her “they are looking at the majority of Jamaicans who are poor, and they can only think, how dare this uppity [self-important, arrogant] woman …” (Patterson 2007). After losing the 2016 General Election to Andrew Holness, Simpson-Miller received mounting pressure both from within her party and the wider populace to step aside as president of the PNP and Leader of the Opposition. Simpson-Miller questioned whether this was because she is a woman.

Personal life

Similar to female politicians worldwide, Simpson-Miller has been subjected to many interrogations of her personal life, her spending patterns, and whether she was using government money for personal reasons. Between 2012 and 2014, there was public outcry and much scrutiny from the media about Simpson-Miller’s spending habits and whether she used government funds to finance her lifestyle. In 2013, it was reported that Simpson-Miller spent $6.5 million Jamaican dollars (approximately $52,000) on a trip to Ethiopia. By 2014, it was estimated that she had spent $50 million Jamaican dollars ($400,000) on her overseas trips. Simpson-Miller fired back at her detractors, noting that she used a credit card given to her by her husband, and not taxpayers’ money, to fund her trips. Las May capitalized on this statement, depicting Simpson-Miller in one of his cartoons as a Jamaican “hot gal” (material girl) who does little work, relying heavily on handouts from a spouse or partner. This is deducted from the statements in the cartoon: “…mi always travel in style…seet mi husband gimme credit card!” (I always travel in style—see, my husband gave me [a] credit card). A similar cartoon by Clovis showed an airplane waiting in the background with the words “European Tour” written on it; in the foreground is Simpson-Miller, wiping sweat from her husband’s face as he worriedly tells her: “Portia duh, tek time wid the credit card!” (Portia, please do not abuse the credit card). These depictions of Simpson-Miller demonstrate blatant sexism, class prejudice, and a strong disrespect for the prime minister because she is a woman. They also amplify the assumption that most successful women get where they are because of their husbands or partners.

Cast in the shadows

During her tenure as prime minister of Jamaica, Simpson-Miller was harshly criticized by Jamaicans and the media for not openly discussing policy issues or providing information on policy issues in a timely manner. Others have questioned why her husband, “a good manager,” has not given her some “husbandly” advice. Not only are Simpson-Miller’s leadership skills brought into question, but she is cast in the shadow of her husband who presumably has better leadership skills and qualities. In at least 5 percent of the cartoons by Clovis and Las May, she is depicted asking the male members of the PNP for advice or giving them free rein of the Party. In one cartoon by Las May, Simpson-Miller is depicted in a boat labeled “Jamaica”; at the helm is Peter Phillips, who sweats profusely. In the back of the boat is Simpson-Miller barking directions: “Onward Peter!” What this image signals to readers is that while Simpson-Miller was the prime minister of the country, she was not necessarily the one in control. In another image, we see Simpson-Miller sitting at a desk, taking commands from Bruce Golding (Leader of the Opposition) who says to her: “Here’s how I want you to run the country…” The most striking image, however, depicts Simpson-Miller on her knees praying to God for divine intervention in pulling Jamaica out of a quagmire. She asks for a sign and Andrew Holness (then Leader of the Opposition) appears before her. Simpson-Miller has also been depicted telling her speechwriter (a male) what to include in the speech for a national budget presentation, while she watches television. Another portrays Simpson-Miller as a puppet on a string being dangled by her party handlers. While cartoons of this nature make up only 5 percent of the overall total, they paint a strong image of Simpson-Miller as someone who lacked leadership skills and qualities. As such, she needed the assistance or directives of her husband and/or male members of her party to carry out her role effectively. Images of this nature also support the narrative that in order to be effective leaders, women need the help and support that only men can offer them. They also reinforce the stereotype that females are incapable of being good leaders.

Gender

Even though a significant majority of the cartoons analyzed focused on Simpson-Miller’s leadership skills and ability to run the country, there were gender-stereotyped images of her that sought to undermine her authority as prime minister of Jamaica. Jamaica’s political system is highly masculinized, and so for female politicians, they face the double bind, of not appearing too weak on the one hand, and too aggressive on the other. Of neither appearing too feminine or not feminine enough (Bates 2014). For both cartoonists, Simpson-Miller is perceived as the latter—as being ordinary, not particularly elegant or fashionable. This could potentially account for their general focus on her leadership style, personal traits and decorum, and less on her physical appearance. This is generally not the norm for female politicians when covered in the media. In Jamaica, female politicians with a modest outward appearance often become invisible in the media. Those who dare to straddle the line between modesty and being fashionable face more media coverage and/or public backlash.

Simpson-Miller’s outward appearance was not accompanied by “modest” behavior. She was bold, vocal, and self-assured. Her approach to politics, and how she chose to carry herself, made it difficult for her to be categorized or pigeonholed by the media. This put her in direct opposition to the traditionally held notions of femininity. It is not surprising, therefore, that gendered attacks by the media were centered primarily around her behavior, and less on her physical appearance. She was often presented as incompetent, vulgar, unintelligent, silent, or erratic.

Conclusion

By using traditional frames built around the dominance of men in the coverage of women in politics, the media makes it very difficult for them to be taken seriously, and often paints them as bystanders. Misogynistic, sexist, and biased references to female politicians in the media only serve to devalue the legacy and work of women who fought for women’s right to vote and run for office. In this article, I set out to analyze the media’s portrayal of Jamaica’s first female prime minister, Portia Simpson-Miller. I found that unlike many female political leaders, media coverage focused less on Simpson-Miller’s gender and physical appearance, and more on her leadership style and performance. When present, gender stereotypes were used to draw correlations between her personal traits, her leadership abilities, and her suitability for the office of prime minister.

Simpson-Miller’s gender and physical appearance were less critiqued in the analyzed media, but gendered stereotypes and concepts were present in the cartoons’ evaluation of her leadership abilities. The most obvious characteristic of gendered media coverage is mention of female politicians’ physical appearance, character traits, marital status, family, and sexual orientation. Gendered media coverage, however, goes beyond physical appearance and character traits. While the cartoonists might be simply pointing out that Simpson-Miller was an ineffective leader, they did so in a gendered manner: questioning her spending habits and decorum, comparing her to male members of her political party and past prime ministers (all males), and magnifying concerns about her education. Male leaders are usually not scrutinized or assessed as intensely as women are. They are simply assumed to be competent leaders, having more agentic traits than women. Even when a woman portrays herself as masculine, the media will use certain gender filters in its coverage of them. Simpson-Miller was often depicted as unintelligent, emotionally weak, confrontational, erratic, hot-tempered, and vulgar; communal traits that are generally reserved for women. By depicting Simpson-Miller as ordinary, not particularly elegant, feminine, or fashionable, the cartoons were again gendered in their critique of her. Despite Simpson-Miller’s remarkable rise to power, both cartoonists also failed to highlight any positive aspects of her leadership style. This is a gendered approach used by the media to undermine female politicians and question their leadership abilities. Finally, by focusing primarily on her “failures” as prime minister, both Clovis and Las May portrayed Simpson-Miller in ways that helped to emphasize her “otherness” in politics in much the same way that focuses on her appearance, personal style, and character traits would.

Dr. Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers is a Lecturer in the Department of Government at the University of the West Indies. She holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in History (major) and Political Science (minor), and a Master of Science in Government (Comparative Politics/Political Theory) from the University of the West Indies. She earned her PhD in Interdisciplinary Studies at the University of New Brunswick (Canada). Her research interests include political institutions, electoral systems, electoral reform, and the political representation of women and ethnic minorities